Trump’s Second Term Cabinet: A House Divided in the War on ‘Woke’

The Trump administration, in its hypothetical second term, appears consumed by a relentless crusade against anything deemed "woke," a campaign so fervent that it risks internal contradictions and undermines its own past accomplishments. The dedication to this culture war seems to outweigh any sense of unity or consistency within "Team Trump," leading to a situation where cabinet members openly contradict each other and even disavow policies championed by the former president.

A prime example of this internal discord is the controversy surrounding the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Act. Pete Hegseth, a prominent figure in the Trump administration and once considered for Secretary of Defense, has publicly expressed his disdain for the program, denouncing it as a "woke," "divisive," and "social justice" initiative pushed by "feminists and left-wing activists." He even boasted about dismantling the program at the Department of Defense, while begrudgingly admitting he would still adhere to the minimum requirements mandated by law.

This declaration is particularly jarring considering that Donald Trump himself signed the Women, Peace, and Security Act into law during his first term. The legislation was spearheaded by Kristi Noem, now Trump’s Secretary of Homeland Security, during her time as a member of the House of Representatives, and co-sponsored by Marco Rubio, currently serving as Trump’s Secretary of State. The act aimed to prioritize the inclusion of women in conflict prevention and resolution efforts worldwide, a goal that seems antithetical to the current administration’s anti-"woke" agenda.

The disconnect between the past and present is striking. The messaging from Trump’s second term portrays any effort to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion as inherently anti-American, even if those efforts were previously endorsed and enacted by the same administration. The fundamental purpose of the WPS Act – to ensure women’s participation in peace-building processes – seems to have been lost in the fervor of the culture war.

The author raises a pertinent question: Did Hegseth inform Trump, Noem, and Rubio about his intentions to dismantle a law they actively supported? The responses from various government departments suggest a level of disarray and unwillingness to address the issue directly.

The Pentagon’s spokesperson simply referred back to Hegseth’s social media post, offering no further clarification. The White House remained evasive, with an "administration official" declining to comment on whether Trump shared Hegseth’s assessment of the WPS Act. Instead, the official attempted to deflect by criticizing the Biden administration’s approach, linking the program to climate security and an "inclusive, intersectional approach," insinuating that these connections were somehow inherently negative.

The State Department was similarly vague, with a "senior State Department official" avoiding the question of whether Rubio agreed with Hegseth’s views. The official acknowledged the WPS Act as a "noteworthy initiative" but claimed the previous administration had "exploited" it to advance "progressive causes." The Department of Homeland Security failed to respond altogether to inquiries regarding Noem’s stance on the matter.

It’s ironic that Noem, while advocating for the WPS Act in 2017, emphasized its potential to produce "sustainable outcomes" that would enhance America’s security. She cited research demonstrating that peace agreements are significantly more likely to last when women are involved in the process. Her words, delivered on the House floor, stand in stark contrast to the current administration’s rhetoric.

Adding to the confusion, Rubio himself has publicly praised the Women, Peace, and Security Act. In a speech at the International Women of Courage awards ceremony, he proudly highlighted his role as a co-sponsor of the legislation, calling it "the first comprehensive law passed in any country in the world" focused on protecting and promoting women’s participation in society.

Furthermore, archival evidence reveals that Trump frequently touted the WPS Act during his first term. In a 2020 message commemorating International Women’s Day, he described it as "the first standalone, comprehensive legislation of its kind anywhere in the world."

The current administration’s attempt to distance itself from the WPS Act and blame its perceived shortcomings on the Biden administration is both predictable and disingenuous. It’s a clear example of "Team Trump" undermining its own past actions in the name of the ongoing war on "woke."

PolitiFact, a reputable fact-checking organization, investigated Hegseth’s claims and found that the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security Act has remained largely unchanged, despite the shift in rhetoric. While the Biden administration may have incorporated terms like "LGBTQI+" and "climate change" into program plans, the underlying goals have remained consistent.

The author concludes that Team Trump’s war on "woke" has created a distorted reality, where a focus on Women, Peace, and Security is now portrayed as an outdated concept from a bygone era – Trump’s own first term. The article paints a picture of an administration at war with itself, prioritizing ideological purity over consistency and effectiveness.